Normative Power Resources Relate to Family Values and Expectations.

J Youth Adolesc. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2016 Jun 1.

Published in terminal edited form as:

PMCID: PMC4414667

NIHMSID: NIHMS638716

Family Obligation Values every bit a Protective and Vulnerability Factor amidst Depression-Income Adolescent Girls

Stephanie Milan

¹ Section of Psychology, University of Connecticut

Sanne Wortel

¹ Department of Psychology, University of Connecticut

Abstract

Adolescents' beliefs well-nigh family obligation oftentimes reverberate cultural variations in their family unit context, and thus are important for understanding development among diverse youth. In this report, we examination hypotheses well-nigh the role of family obligation values in risk behavior and mental health in a sample of 194 depression-income boyish girls (Mean age = 15.2; 58% Latina, 28% African-American/Black). Nosotros hypothesized that family obligation values can exist both a protective and vulnerability factor, depending on the blazon of outcome and the presence of other risk factors. Across the sample, higher family obligation values tended to occur with indicators of positive family functioning (e.thousand., more than frequent communication, less maternal hostility) based on mother and adolescent reports. As hypothesized, family obligation values moderated the relationship betwixt established risk factors and adjustment in distinct means, such that loftier family obligation values decreased adventure in some domains (i.due east., a protective factor) just increased take a chance in other domains (i.e., a vulnerability cistron). Specifically, high family obligation values macerated the relationship between peer norms for risky behavior (sex and substance use) and individual engagement in those behaviors. At the aforementioned time, high family obligation values magnified the relationship between exposure to negative life events and poor mental health (PTSD and depressive symptoms). The results suggest that family obligation is an of import but complex attribute of development among diverse adolescent girls.

Keywords: Family obligation, risk beliefs, emotional adjustment, low-income adolescents

Introduction

By 2020, information technology is estimated that more than half of American youth volition be members of racial or ethnic minority groups, and approximately 20% of families will include a parent born outside of the United States (Frey, 2012). In response to increasing diversity, developmental researchers accept sought to understand similarities and differences between youth from various racial, ethnic and national backgrounds. Within this wide body of literature, in that location is evidence of many common developmental themes and challenges during boyhood, including greater autonomy from parents, increased focus on peer and romantic relationships, exposure to more than negative life events, and heightened vulnerability to certain forms of maladjustment (Arnett, 2009). These tasks and challenges may exist navigated in different means, however, reflecting group-level variations in how cultural values are infused into family life within a pluralistic lodge (Edwards, Knocke, Aukrust, Kumre & Kim, 2006). For example, in cultural groups that emphasize interdependence, values and expectations related to family relationships, such as family unit obligation, influence adolescent behaviors and outcomes (Greenfield, Keller, Fuligni, & Maynard, 2003). Based on these theoretical models (i.e., Edwards et al., 2013; Greenfield et al., 2006), inquiry on constructs such as family obligation can farther our understanding of boyish evolution in an increasingly diverse club.

Family unit obligation reflects a sense of duty to support, respect, and provide aid to family members. Implicit and explicit expectations about these obligations often serve every bit a guide to relational behaviors within the family. Family obligation outset emerged equally an important construct in enquiry on adult behavior towards aging adults (Stein, 1992); nevertheless, research by Fuligni and colleagues (e.thousand., Fuligni, Tseng & Lam, 1999) has demonstrated its relevance during adolescence and early machismo, particularly among youth of colour. Early research on adolescent family obligation demonstrated group differences past race, ethnicity and immigrant status (east.g., Fuligni et al., 1999; Hughes, 2001), and linked family unit obligation to educational outcomes (due east.chiliad., Fuligni, 2007; Sy & Brittian, 2008) and emotional and behavioral adjustment (eastward.g., Juang & Cookston, 2009; Yau, Taspoulos-Chan & Smetana, 2009) among diverse youth. More than recent studies have extended our understanding of family unit obligation in two of import ways. First, researchers accept shown the importance of distinguishing between family obligation values (e.g., respect for elders) and family obligation behaviors (e.1000., bodily time spent helping family members) because their impact may differ (e.g., Telzer, Gonzales, & Fuligni, 2014; Tseng, 2004). Second, recent studies highlight the need to move beyond main furnishings models to consider how family unit obligation values and behaviors collaborate with other factors in shaping adolescent development (due east.one thousand., Kiang et al., 2013; Telzer et al., 2014).

Drawing from this body of literature, we test hypotheses nigh how family obligation values may human action as both a vulnerability and protective gene in the emotional and behavioral adjustment of boyish girls. We hypothesized that family unit obligation values would moderate associations between well-established risk factors and maladjustment in differing means, such that a loftier sense of family obligation decreases the likelihood of some negative outcomes (i.east., family obligation as a protective cistron), all the same increases the likelihood of other negative outcomes (i.due east., family unit obligation every bit a vulnerability cistron).

Family obligation values as a protective factor

Boyhood involves an increase in potentially risky behaviors, including sexual activeness and substance use. While some engagement in sexual activity and substance use is normative, higher levels can exist problematic and result in long-term consequences, including unplanned pregnancy, sexually transmitted diseases, cognitive impairment, accidental injury, and interest with the legal system. As a result, sexual activity and substance use tin become developmental snares that go on adolescents from reaching their adult potential.

One of the nigh widely documented chance factors for risky sexual behavior and substance utilize is peer appointment. Adolescents who believe their peers are engaged in certain activities are more likely to engage in these activities themselves, fifty-fifty if these perceptions are not authentic (for review, see Wolfe, Jaffe & Crooks, 2006). Perceived peer engagement determines what an boyish believes is normative, and these norms can then shape decisions most whether or not to appoint in a specific activeness. High levels of perceived peer engagement may also bespeak that an adolescent has more frequent opportunities to engage in potential risky behavior.

Plausibly, family obligation values may moderate the link betwixt peer norms for risky behaviors and individual engagement in those behaviors. Specifically, adolescents with high family unit obligation values may exist less influenced past perceived peer norms, even when they believe that peers are involved in risky behaviors. For instance, adolescents who feel strong respect for familial authority figures may be less likely to go against parental expectations or rules. Similarly, adolescents with a heightened sense of future familial responsibilities may be less likely to appoint in behaviors that could impede future plans (due east.g., unprotected sexual activity). Consistent with this view, there is preliminary evidence that self-reported family obligation values are associated with measures of neurocognitive activeness believed to reflect greater cognitive command and planning (Telzer, Fuligni, Lieberman & Galvan, 2013).

To test the possibility that family unit obligation values act as a protective gene, we examine whether family obligation moderates the relationship between perceived peer date in sex activity and substance use and adolescent's own date in these behaviors. We expected that adolescents who viewed these behaviors as more normative among their peers would report engaging in more risky behavior themselves, but that the magnitude of this relationship would diminish for youth who report high family obligation values. In other words, amidst youth who feel risky behaviors are more normative, those reporting strong family obligation values will exist less likely to engage in such behaviors themselves.

Family unit obligation values every bit a vulnerability gene

The teenage years bring increased exposure to negative or potentially traumatizing life events. Adolescents of color and immigrant adolescents may be especially prone to these experiences because they more often live in low-income families and communities, where these events unduly occur (Evans & Kim, 2013). Experiencing negative life events or potentially traumatizing events is associated with greater depressive, anxiety, and PTSD symptoms, particularly among girls (Zona & Milan, 2012). In that location is, however, considerable variation in this link considering many individual, family, and environmental characteristics contribute to differential vulnerability.

In previous studies, family obligation has been associated with positive indicators of family unit operation (e.thou., Telzer et al., 2014; Yau et al., 2009), and either unrelated or inversely related to emotional distress (Fuligni & Pederson, 2002; Juang & Cookston, 2009). Although these findings highlight the potential benefits of family obligation values, we hypothesized that family obligation can incur some cost to adolescent well-existence based on studies of caregiving burden among low-income youth (e.g., Burton, 2007; McMahon & Luthar, 2007) and qualitative piece of work with adolescent girls in this community (eastward.grand., Hannay et al., 2013). Specifically, a strong sense of family obligation may, for some youth or at some times, become a source of stress rather than providing a sense of purpose or belonging. In particular, adolescents who experience strong family obligations and experience many negative life events, may have depleted psychological and coping resource, and thus develop more symptoms of emotional distress (e.yard., allostatic overload or caregiving burden). In at least one written report examining how family obligation interacts with other gamble factors, higher family obligation was associated with worse outcomes when it occurred in the context of family unit disharmonize (Telzer et al., 2014). In this study, nevertheless, it was family obligation behaviors that increased risk; thus, information technology is unclear if family obligation values may act in the same way. In light of these findings, we examine whether family unit obligation values moderate the relationship between exposure to recent negative events and symptoms of depression and PTSD. Nosotros hypothesized that having high family unit obligation values would magnify the association betwixt negative events and symptoms, such that adolescents endorsing strong family unit obligation values and many negative life events would written report the most symptoms.

Current written report

Family obligation is an important construct for understanding development among diverse adolescents. In this study, we examine whether family obligation values can act as both a protective and vulnerability factor in emotional and behavioral aligning in a sample of 194 low-income adolescent girls, the majority of whom are racial/ethnic minorities or growing up in a first or 2d generation immigrant family. We focus specifically on girls because of the gendered nature of several areas of potential risk during adolescence (due east.thou., increased depressive symptoms, unplanned pregnancy) and considering culturally rooted values near gender roles within the family unit (e.g., responsibilities to care for siblings) may be more salient during the teenage years. For youth from all backgrounds, adolescence involves concrete maturation and increases in autonomy (Greenfield et al., 2003). These changes may trigger parents' culturally rooted values regarding contained versus interdependent goals, and how these differ for boys versus girls (Chuang & Tamis-LeMonda, 2009).

First, we examine whether adolescents' sense of family obligation relates to other measures of family relationships, including maternal warmth and hostility, relational style, advice, and parental monitoring using reports from adolescents and mothers. Based on existing research, we expected that family unit obligation would be correlated with other indicators of positive family functioning from adolescent and parental report. However, considering the demographic makeup of this sample is singled-out from other studies of family obligation, nosotros outset tested for these expected correlations. Second, we test whether family obligation values moderate associations between well-established risk factors and maladjustment. We hypothesized that loftier family obligation would act as a protective factor in the association between perceived peer risky behaviors and individual risky behavior (sexual action and substance use), just as a vulnerability factor in the association between potentially traumatizing events (PTEs) and mental wellness symptoms (PTSD and depressive symptoms).

Methods

Participants and Procedures

Written report participants included 194 adolescent girls and their mothers (or primary female person caretaker) residing in a mid-sized, depression-income city in the Northeast US. In 92% of dyads, the caretaker was the biological mother. These families were participating in a larger NIH-funded study aimed at understanding the cultural and relational context of health disparities amidst adolescent girls. All adolescent girls entering ix^th through 11^th class inside the metropolis were eligible for participation, with the boilerplate age at 15.4 years (SD=one.05; Range = xiii-17). Fifty-eight per centum of participants identified as Latina (primarily Puerto Rican), 26% as African-American/Black, and 16% as non-Hispanic, White. In 27% of families, at least ane parent was born outside the U.S., and another eighteen% were born in Puerto Rico. Of the adolescents, 8% were built-in outside the U.S. and 11% in Puerto Rico. Thirty percentage of homes included both biological parents at the time of participation. Educationally, 22% of mothers had non completed high school, 67% had a high schoolhouse degree, and 11% had a bachelor's degree. The majority of adolescents (87%) qualified for costless or reduced tiffin at school. Racial/ethnic and socioeconomic characteristics of the sample are consistent with public information near the urban center and loftier school demographics.

Participants were recruited from city schools, community centers, health centers, YWCA, local media outlets, and word-of-oral fissure. Interviews were conducted in English and Spanish (twenty%) based on participant preference. Interviews were available in Polish to accommodate i of the largest immigrant groups in the expanse, although no mothers chose this choice. When possible, measures were selected that accept been validated with Spanish-speaking populations in previous studies. All measures were translated and backtranslated and then piloted with local residents in an iterative process, following recommendations by the World Health Organization. Mothers and daughters participated separately in a semi-structured interview, which was audiotaped and later transcribed verbatim, and so completed survey instruments privately using Audio Estimator Assisted Survey Instruments (ACASI) programmed in their preferred linguistic communication. Adjacent, mothers and daughters participated in a videotaped dyadic interaction chore. Interviews took approximately 2 hours, and participants were paid $40 each for their time. All procedures were canonical by the University of Connecticut Institutional Review Board.

Measures

Demographic

Mothers provided detailed demographic information. Maternal education, marital status, receipt of public assistance housing, receipt of free/reduced tiffin, and food insecurity were used to reflect socioeconomic differences. Mothers and daughters indicated all of the racial/ethnic groups they identified with, and mothers also reported on birth place for their daughter, themselves, and their parents. For the current purposes, the primary race/ethnicity selected by the daughter was used for analysis comparing racial/ethnic groups. Even so, because 12% of girls identified with more than ane racial/ethnic group, all racial/ethnic comparisons were conducted using race/ethnicity as mutually exclusive groups and so with dummy coded variables that allowed for multiple racial/ethnic identifications to ensure consequent results.

Family unit obligation values

Family obligation values were assessed using 14 items from the Fuligni et al. (1999) family obligation measure reflecting attitudes about providing assistance (e.g., how ofttimes should you lot help have care of your brothers and sisters), respect for family unit (due east.g., how important do y'all call back it is to care for your parents with great respect), and time to come support (eastward.k., how important practise you think it is to assist your parents financially in the future). Items are responded to on a 1 to five calibration, with college scores reflecting stronger endorsement of the item. The iii domains (current aid, respect for family, future support) were initially derived from factor analysis (Fuligni et al., 1999). Previous studies including this measure have used either a total composite score (e.g., Telzer, Fuligni, Lieberman & Galván, 2013) or separate domain scores (e.g., Hardway & Fuligni, 2006) in analyses. In this study, we chose to use the total mean score for conceptual and empirical reasons. Conceptually, nosotros believed that adolescents' general sense of family obligation would be influential for the outcomes under investigation, but did non accept reason to expect 1 domain to be especially important. Empirically, a three factor model did not provide a good fit to data from this sample using CFA, χ² = 162.49, df=74, CFI = .84, RMSEA = .08 (95% CI = .06-.09). The lack of fit resulted considering several items loaded on dissimilar factors then initially conceptualized (e.g., hereafter fiscal help was more than strongly related with the respect for family factor than the time to come obligation gene). Consistent with a high blastoff reliability coefficient for the total score (α = .85), a one-factor model with several correlated error terms provided a good fit to the data, χ² = 95.31, df=66, CFI = .94, RMSEA = .05 (95% CI = .02-.07). Thus, a composite score (mean of all items) was used for analysis.

Maternal warmth and hostility

Adolescents reported on mother-girl relationship quality using the Quality of Parental Relationships Inventory (Conger, Ge, Elder, Lorenz & Simons, 1994) as adapted for utilise by the NICHD Written report of Early Child Care. The measure includes 17 items reflecting support/warmth (9 items, α = .92) and hostility (8 items, α = .83). Responses are on a five-signal calibration with higher scores reflecting greater warmth or hostility.

Female parent-daughter communication

Mothers and adolescents answered parallel items most the frequency of communication in seven areas, including schoolhouse, college, jobs/career, friends, dating, sex, and substance use (adapted from Wills et al., 2003). Frequency items are on a one-4 scale, with higher values reflecting more than frequent communication. Mean scores for mothers (α = .75) and adolescents were used (α = .76) in assay.

Parental monitoring

Mothers and adolescents answered parallel items from Stattin and Kerr (2000) widely used measure of parental monitoring, which assesses parental knowledge of the adolescent'south whereabouts, activities, and associations from both the parent and adolescent perspective (e.g., "How much exercise your parents know what yous practice during your free time?"). Response scales range from i (nothing) to 5 (everything). In the electric current sample, alpha estimates for responses from mothers (half-dozen items, α = .78) and adolescents (vi items, α = .fourscore) were skilful.

Preoccupied and dismissive relationship way

Domains from the Behavioral Systems Questionnaire (BSQ; Furman & Wehner, 1999) were used to reflect adolescents' preoccupied and dismissive human relationship way with parents. The concept of relational styles is conceptually similar to adult attachment anxiety and abstention in reflecting attitudes towards intimacy and closeness within close relationships. Preoccupation reflects overinvolvement and ongoing concerns well-nigh maintaining closeness; dismissiveness reflects abstention of intimacy and minimization of the importance of relationships (Furman & Wehner, 1999). An instance of a dismissing item is, "I rarely turn to my mother when upset"; an example of a preoccupied item is, "I go too wrapped up in my mother's worries". In previous studies, these domains relate to mother and child reports of relationship characteristics in ways consistent with attachment theory (east.chiliad., Branstetter, Fuman & Cottrell, 2009), with higher scores increasing the risk for psychopathology (due east.g., Milan, Zona & Snow, 2013). Adolescents responded separately for maternal preoccupation (5 items, α = .69), paternal preoccupation (v items, α =.72), maternal dismissiveness (5 items, α = .68), and paternal dismissiveness (5 items, α = .74). Higher scores reverberate more preoccupation and dismissiveness.

Perceived peer engagement in risky behavior

Adolescents were asked to study how common they believed sure behaviors were of other youth their age in the schoolhouse and community using a ane-5 response scale with a visual percentage analog. Responses on the i-five scale reflect increasing, equal percentages (due east.g., 0-20%, 21-40%). They were asked the items separately for males and females. For the current purposes, female person peer involvement in regular alcohol consumption and sexual activity (oral and vaginal sexual activity boilerplate) were used separately as measures of perceived peer behavior in each domain.

Negative life events

Adolescents were asked to signal whether they had experienced ten events (e.g., witnessing an attack, being in a serious accident) selected from several PTSD Criterion A events list (e.g. Foa et al., 2001; Ford et a., 2000). Events deemed very uncommon in this population (e.g., exposure to war) were eliminated. For each particular, adolescents reported whether the outcome had ever occurred to them and, if so, if it happened in the last year. A full count of events in the terminal year was used to reflect recent exposure to negative life events.

Individual risky behavior

Adolescents were asked five aye/no questions about sexual activity from the Pupil Wellness Questionnaire (Coyle et al., 2004) and six yeah/no questions well-nigh sexual activity and substance apply from the CDC Youth Take chances Behavior Surveillance System (YRBS; Eaton et al., 2011). Sexual items asked whether the adolescent had all the same engaged in specific acts (east.g. vaginal sex) and nearly sexual history (e.g., number of partners). For the current purposes, a count of nine potentially risky sexual activities (e.one thousand., performed oral sex, sex without protection, sex with more than than one partner) was computed, with college scores reflecting more sexual activity. I yes/no detail from the YRBS, drinking booze in the last 30 days, was used as an indicator of recent substance use.

Mental wellness

Adolescents completed the 17-item Child Post Traumatic Stress Symptoms (PTSS; Foa, Johnson, Feeny & Treadwell, 2001) and the Adolescent Psychopathology Scale-Short Form Major Depression subscale (APS; Reynolds, 2000). The PTSS is a widely used measure that includes all PTSD symptoms based on the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Quaternary Edition (DSM-Iv; American Psychiatric Association, 1994). Responses are on a v bespeak likert calibration, with college scores reflecting more frequent symptoms. Chronbach alpha for this sample was high (α=.85). On the APS, the Major Depression subscale includes twelve items that evaluate depressive symptoms based on DSM 4. The measure uses a 3-point Likert scale with scores ranging from (one) "almost never" to (iii) "near every 24-hour interval" over the terminal two weeks. Chronbach alpha was high (α=.89).

Data Analytic Plan

Data were beginning checked for normality using graphical and univariate approaches. Correlation analyses were used to examine bivariate associations. Tests of moderation were conducting following recommendations and macros by Hayes (2013). This approach includes post hoc probing of simple slopes of proposed by Aiken and Due west (1991), but tests of statistical significance are conducted with heteroscedasticity-consistent standard error terms, a more appropriate arroyo in OLS regression (Hayes, 2013).

Results

On average, adolescents reported moderate to high level of family obligation values (FO Hateful = 3.42, SD =.61, Scale Range = 1-v). FO was not significantly correlated with demographic factors, including age (r = .05), maternal teaching (r = −.12), public housing (r = .03), free luncheon status (r = .12) or generational status (r = .02). Family unit obligation did differ by race/ethnicity (F(2,190) = 3.78, p < .05), with higher mean scores for Latina (Mean=3.59, SD=.59), compared to African-American/Blackness (Mean=3.29, SD=.69) or White (Mean = iii.28, SD=.55) adolescents. Race/ethnicity was controlled for in subsequent analyses.

Partial correlations were run to examine associations betwixt family unit obligation and other normally measured domains of family functioning, controlling for ethnicity. Family obligation was significantly correlated with boyish reports of maternal warmth (r = .33, p < .01) and hostility (r =−.17, p < .05), maternal reports of communication (r = .20, p < .01) and monitoring (r = .22, p < .01), adolescent reports of communication (r = .27, p < .01) and monitoring (r = .35, p < .01), and adolescent reports of maternal relational preoccupation (r = .25, p < .05), paternal relational preoccupation (r = .20, p < .05), maternal relational dismissiveness (r =−.27, p < .01), and paternal relational dismissiveness (r = −.thirty, p < .01). For about variables, higher FO was associated with what is by and large considered better family unit functioning, including greater warmth, less hostility, more advice, more than monitoring, and less relational dismissiveness. The 1 exception to this pattern was that college FO was associated with a more preoccupied relational mode with parents, which has been considered a risk factor (east.grand., Milan et al., 2013).

Table i presents bivariate correlations between family obligation and the risk factors (perceived peer engagement in risky behavior, negative life events) and adjustment indicators (sex activity, contempo substance employ, depressive symptoms, PTSD symptoms) used in subsequent moderation analysis. Equally expected, perceptions of peer norms were positively correlated with individual risky behaviors in respective domains, and negative life events were positive correlated with depressive and PTSD symptoms (i.eastward., the expected relations between established chance factors and adjustment indicators). Across the sample, the average score on the sexual risk behavior scale was ane.4 (Range 0-vii, SD=2.xviii), with 28% of girls indicating they were sexually active (i.east., engaging in vaginal sex activity in the last year). Twenty-1 percent reported recent drinking in the last calendar month, and 54% reported e'er drinking. On mental health indicators, 11% of girls were in a higher place the recommended clinical cutoff on the depressive symptom calibration (Mean = 7.3, SD = 5.6) and 16% reported sufficient criteria for PTSD diagnosis on the PTSS calibration (Hateful = 13.93, SD = xi.9). As shown, FO was not associated with most risk factors or adjustment indicators at the bivariate level. In other words, in that location was footling evidence that adolescent girls who reported greater family unit obligation were exposed to fewer run a risk factors or had better behavioral or emotional adjustment overall.

Table ane

Correlations between family obligation values, gamble factors, and adjustment indicators

	2	3	4	5	6	7	8
1. Family obligation values	.xi	.08	−.04	−.14^{^*}	.01	−.06	−.10
ii. Peer alcohol utilize norms	--	.41^{^**}	.ten	.13^{^*}	.17^{^**}	.04	.03
3. Peer sexual practice norms		--	.eleven	.09	.25^{^**}	.13	.12
4. Contempo negative life events			--	.21^{^**}	.eighteen^{^*}	.33^{^**}	.44^{^**}
v. Individual recent alcohol use				--	.36^{^**}	.12^{^*}	.20^{^**}
6. Individual sexual adventure behavior					--	.11	.14^{^*}
7. Depressive symptoms						--	.69^{^**}
8. PTSD symptoms							--

Next, hierarchical linear (for sexual activity) and logistic (for contempo alcohol use) regressions were used to exam hypotheses that family unit obligation acts as a protective factor in the relationship between perceived peer norms for sexual practice or substance use and adolescent's individual engagement in the same behavior. As shown in Table 2, the interaction betwixt perceived peer engagement and family obligation on individual risky beliefs was significant for both outcomes. Figure 1 presents follow-up mail service hoc probing for sexual activity. As shown, perceived peer involvement in sex activity predicted adolescent sexual adventure behavior for youth reporting low (B = .59, p < .01) or moderate (B = .38, p < .01) FO, but non for those high in FO (B = .17, p = .twenty). A very similar pattern emerged for substance use, with perceived peer use predicting individual drinking simply at depression levels of family unit obligation. Unstandardized beta coefficients for adolescents at low, moderate, and high FO were B = .70, p < .05, B = .27, p = .18, B = −.15, p = .59, respectively. Among those who believed that over half of their peers were involved in regular drinking, 29% of those with depression FO had engaged in recent drinking themselves compared to xvi% of those with high FO. These findings indicate that the magnitude of the relationship between perceptions of peer risky behaviors and private date in those behaviors depends on levels of family obligation. In particular, although FO is not associated with perceptions of peer norms, it may diminish the issue of these perceptions of individual risky behavior.

An external file that holds a picture, illustration, etc. Object name is nihms-638716-f0001.jpg

Relation between perceived norms and private sexual beliefs for adolescents with low, moderate, or high levels of family obligation values

Table 2

Hierarchical regressions predicting individual run a risk behavior from family obligation values and peer norms

Outcome = Sexual Risk
Predictor:	B (SE)	F	R²
Age	.80 (.12)^{^**}
Latina ethnicity	−.32 (.32)
Peer norms for sexual activity	.41 (.13)^{^**}
Family obligation values	−.41 (.21)^{^*}
Peer norms × family obligation	−.33 (.16)^{^*}
Overall Model		8.38^{^**}	.25

Outcome = Booze Use
Predictor:	B (SE)	χ ⁱⁱ	Nagelkrk Rⁱⁱ
Historic period	.12 (.eighteen)
Latina ethnicity	−.43 (.38)
Peer norms for substance apply	.28 (.21)
Family obligation values	−.52 (.31)
Peer norms × family obligation	−.70 (.36)^{^*}
Overall Model		xi.25^{^*}	.09

A similar arroyo was used to test whether family obligation values moderate the clan between negative life events and mental health symptoms. As shown in Table iii, the interaction between negative life events and FO was a pregnant predictor of both PTSD and depressive symptoms. Follow-upwards post hoc probing of uncomplicated slopes for PTSD symptoms is graphed in Figure 2. Unstandardized beta coefficients for adolescents at depression, moderate, and high FO were B = i.50, p =.xix, B = 3.41, p < .01, B = 5.32, p <.01, respectively. The aforementioned pattern emerged in postal service hoc probing of depressive symptoms (not graphed), with the strongest relationship betwixt negative events and depressive symptoms for those at high levels of FO (B = two.28, p < .01), a smaller but statistically significant consequence at moderate FO (B = 1.34, p < .01) and no pregnant relationship at low levels of FO (B = .48, p = .30). Across both mental wellness outcomes, FO moderated the human relationship between negative life events and symptoms, such that girls with the highest level of family obligation and the almost negative life events reported the most distress.

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Human relationship between recent negative life events and PTSD symptoms for adolescents with low, moderate, or high levels of family obligation values

Table 3

Hierarchical regressions predicting mental wellness from negative events in the concluding twelvemonth and family obligation values

Outcome = Depressive symptoms
Predictor:	B (SE)	F	R²
Age	−.03 (.05)
Latina ethnicity	−.03 (.10)
Negative events in the terminal year	1.34 (.thirty)^{^**}
Family unit obligation values	−.45 (.59)
Negative events x family obligation	1.40 (.50)^{^**}
Overall Model		7.14^{^**}	.16

Outcome = PTSD symptoms
	B (SE)	F	R^two
Age	−.02 (.03)
Latina ethnicity	−.03 (.06)
Negative events in the last year	3.41 (.63)^{^**}
Family obligation values	.22 (i.4)
Negative events x family obligation	3.x (i.15)^{^**}
Overall Model		8.86^{^**}	.21

As a follow-up analysis, we reran the in a higher place tests of moderating effects controlling for correlated family unit functioning indicators. The results remained significant. Nosotros likewise tested whether any family factors acted similarly to FO in moderating relations between adventure factors and aligning. None of the interactions were significant. These findings advise that the office of family obligation values is distinct from other correlated measures of family functioning.

Discussion

The irresolute confront of America requires that adolescent researchers seek to sympathize similarities and differences in the development of diverse youth. The work of Fuligni and colleagues (1999) has highlighted the importance of understanding family obligation in this attempt. The results from this study suggest that family unit obligation values may play a complex role in the adjustment of adolescent girls, with implications depending on other risk factors and the type of outcome nether investigation.

Family obligation values were not related to most indicators of socioeconomic and demographic differences in this sample, with the exception of race/ethnicity. As has been establish in other studies, Latinas in this sample reported higher family unit obligation values than their White or African-American/Blackness peers (Tseng, 2004). These findings are consequent with the view that interdependence and relatedness may be particularly salient values infused into daily life among Latino families (Halgunseth, Ipsa & Rudy, 2007). In contrast to other studies (due east.k., Tseng, 2004), we did non find differences in family obligation values by nativity or generational level. One divergence in this report is that the largest group of participants identified as Puerto Rican. Although non considered immigrants, Puerto Ricans may share similar culturally rooted values or experiences every bit many of the starting time and 2d- generation immigrant families within this sample. Given the unique condition of Puerto Rico as an American commonwealth, measures of generational status and nativity may not adequately capture important inside-group differences in acculturation, particularly in Northeastern cities where mobility between the mainland and island is mutual.

Family obligation values were associated with several indicators of family functioning, as has been reported in other studies. Our findings aggrandize previous research past including parental report of relationship characteristics, and past including domains that are specially salient in the teenage years (e.grand., parent-adolescent communication, parental monitoring). Although the pattern of correlations indicates that higher family unit obligation values occur with other indicators of "positive" family functioning, at that place was ane exception: higher family unit obligation was associated with more preoccupation with maternal and paternal relationships. In the adult attachment style literature, preoccupation reflects relational overinvolvement and insecurity, and thus is generally viewed in a negative way. Consequent with the view, studies of adolescent preoccupation with parental relationships using the same measure have found college preoccupation predicts negative outcomes (due east.k., Milan et al., 2013). Nigh of this research is based on center-form, White families, all the same. Plausibly, greater preoccupation may have a different meaning amongst youth of color or from immigrant families. As has been highlighted in inquiry on Latino families, information technology is important not to pathologize a seemingly high level of parental involvement without agreement the functional meaning and implications of these behaviors (e.g., parental control; Halgunseth et al., 2007). Among Latina adolescents, high family unit obligation values may co-occur with factors such as parental preoccupation that reflect relational insecurity in other populations, without having the aforementioned meaning.

Family unit obligation values were non directly associated with chance factors (peer norms, negative life events) or most measures of behavioral or emotional adjustment (sexual action, substance utilize, PTSD, or depressive symptoms), with the exception of a modest negative correlation with contempo alcohol apply. Thus, our results do not support the notion that a sense of strong family obligation values is a marker of a mostly less risky surroundings or meliorate overall adjustment. Rather, its meaning may depend on the presence of other risk factors and the blazon of outcome nether investigation. Every bit elaborated below, family obligation may simultaneously human action as both a protective and vulnerability gene among teenage girls.

High family obligation values diminished the strength of the relationship betwixt perceptions of peer norms for risky beliefs and adolescents own involvement in these activities. Across the sample, over half of adolescents rated peer booze utilize and sexual activity as normative (i.e., occurring in at to the lowest degree 50% of peers). Adolescents who reported loftier family unit obligation values did not differ in how they perceived peer norms compared to other adolescents, suggesting that they were non judging peer norms differently or using a different prepare of peers every bit a reference. Even so, assertive peer alcohol use or sex was mutual was associated with more individual drinking or sexual activity for girls at depression or moderate levels of family unit obligation values but not those at loftier levels. Teenage girls who report loftier family unit obligation values may exist "protected" from peer hazard factors in several ways. For example, adolescents who feel greater respect towards adult family members may be less concerned with the opinions and behaviors of peers, or may implicitly or explicitly use beliefs nearly parental reactions (e.g., anger or disappointment) to bargain with any felt peer pressure. Although nosotros did not mensurate actual family unit obligation behaviors, it is as well possible that adolescents who report feeling responsible to assist family members may have less actual time to spend with peers. More broadly, the potential effect of risky beliefs on family unit members or family responsibilities may be more salient for adolescent girls who report high family obligation values, and thus play a larger role in their decision-making nigh these behaviors.

Although family obligation may have benefits to the individual and family, we hypothesized that it can incur some cost to adolescent well-being in certain circumstances. Consistent with this possibility, we found that endorsing strong family obligation values increased, rather than decreased, the relationship between negative life events and mental health indicators. Adolescent girls with loftier family obligation values and many contempo negative events were the most symptomatic, while adolescents with high family obligation values and depression negative life events reported the fewest symptoms. It is important to again note that at that place was no bivariate association between family unit obligation values and mental health symptoms; that is, higher family unit obligation was non consistently associated with amend or worse mental wellness across the sample. The subjective significant of family unit obligation may therefore depend on other stressors. For adolescent girls who experience few negative life events, high family obligation values may provide a sense of belonging, significance, and connection to others. In contrast, for adolescent girls who feel many negative events, high family obligation values could contribute to feelings of stress or burden.

Given the intersectionality of race/ethnicity, gender, and SES, adolescent girls like the ones participating in this study often have multiple responsibilities (e.g., working part time to earn money, caring for younger siblings, helping with household chores) and feel strong amalgamation commitments (e.thousand., providing emotional support to a parent, meeting parents academic expectations). Thus, they may be specially prone to becoming overwhelmed when other life events occur. Boyish girls who have experienced contempo negative events likewise may be less able to fulfill sure family unit obligations they value, which in turn could contribute to poorer mental health by affecting their sense of purpose and relational worth. Considering this study is cantankerous-exclusive, information technology is also possible that increased family obligation is a response to specific types of negative life events that affect the family, such equally an increased want to financially help a parent in the future later on witnessing domestic violence. In this example, increases in feelings of family obligation and mental health symptoms may both be reactions to family stressors.

Clinical and practice implications

Given the complex only important role of the family context in adolescent development, researchers and practitioners who work with various youth must be thoughtful in how to incorporate family obligation into prevention and intervention. The goal should be to enhance positive aspects of family obligation while decreasing whatever potential negative aspects. In prevention programs aimed at decreasing risky sex and substance use, for case, this may involve making explicit connections between the potential impact of risk behavior on family members, family responsibilities, and future obligations. Frequently times, substance utilise and pregnancy/STD prevention programs focus on the take chances to individual health. Many of these programs are based on health beliefs theories that emphasize the individual; nevertheless, there is growing evidence that health interventions for low-income females may be most beneficial when they are relationally focused (Logan, Cole & Leukefeld, 2002). Farther, it is important to comprise awareness of family obligation in program planning, for case past allowing for flexibility in omnipresence considering of familial responsibilities and incorporating of import family unit members when possible (Hannay et al., 2013).

It too may be beneficial for those who piece of work with adolescents and families to direct address family obligation during times of greater stress. This could be accomplished past more than consideration of family systems inside programs that target low-income adults (e.1000., providing childcare for the younger children of mothers in treatment or work promotion programs so every bit to reduce adolescent caregiving responsibilities). In mental wellness settings, this may involve dyadic or family sessions addressing adolescent girls' perceptions of familial obligation during times of heightened stress, while ensuring businesslike family unit needs are met. Although there accept been efforts to understand how certain cultural values touch on mental health (e.grand. Cespedes & Huey, 2008), less work has been done to determine how these constructs can be effectively incorporated into culturally tailored intervention efforts.

Study limitations and strengths

The findings from this report should be understood in the context of study limitations. First, this study is cross-sectional, which limits how tests of protective and vulnerability factors can be examined. In detail, it is not possible to establish temporal precedence or how processes might unfold over time. Second, nosotros examined family obligation values every bit reported by adolescents, and therefore do not know how well this matches parental expectations and beliefs. Adolescent and parent agreement on many domains is moderate at best. Finally, this study focused exclusively on adolescent girls. Given gender differences in many aspects of adolescent development, information technology is important for researchers to consider the intersectionality of gender with race, ethnicity, and immigration condition on family obligation values and behaviors. In previous research, gender differences in familial obligations take been found in some samples but not others; consequently, studies that can make direct comparisons of whether family unit obligation values collaborate with risk factors in like means for adolescent boys and girls are needed. Similarly, because of the limited sample size, we cannot examine differences within racial, ethnic, or generational grouping. Although the design of correlations between family obligation values and other variables within each racial/indigenous group were very like, we did not have the ability to formally examine important inside-group variability.

Despite these shortcomings, there are several strengths to this written report. In particular, we have extended the study of family obligation to a different population, included relationship measures from the perspective of mothers and daughters, and collected data on multiple outcomes. Perhaps most importantly, this written report links family obligation values to the domains in which low-income boyish girls and young women are at elevated risk (eastward.thousand., trauma and depressive symptoms, risky sex activity), and thus can inform targeted intervention efforts.

Conclusions

Despite a rich literature on how cultural variations in interdependence values may shape family life and child development, empirical tests of how relevant constructs operate are still rather limited (Greenfield et al., 2003). Our results propose that family obligation values are correlated with other, widely studied aspects of family unit relationships (eastward.yard., maternal warmth), yet may accept a distinct and more nuanced part in the emotional and behavioral adjustment of adolescent girls. In detail, having a strong sense of obligation towards family members may be simultaneously beneficial and harmful, depending on other risk factors in girls' lives. Although we did not investigate underlying mechanisms, our findings coupled with existing inquiry highlight how and when these values may be influential. Specifically, family obligation values may diminish the potential impact of risk factors in the peer domain by influencing controlling processes well-nigh risky behaviors (eastward.g., Telzer et al., 2013). At the same time, feeling strong obligations and responsibilities towards family unit members may contribute to depleted psychological resources when boyish girls are exposed to multiple negative events (e.g., McMahon & Luthar, 2007). These findings build on a larger body of research documenting that family obligation values differ past race, ethnicity, and immigration status amid American adolescents (Fuligni et al., 1999). In an increasingly multicultural society, studying when and how family unit obligation values are influential can heighten our agreement of the unlike ways adolescents navigate the challenges of this developmental period, and contribute to efforts to promote the well-being of youth from diverse backgrounds.

Acknowledgements

This study was conducted with back up from National Institute of Wellness (NICHD R21HDO65185) to the lead author. Several research assistants and community collaborators gave invaluable assistance, peculiarly Kate Zona, Viana Turcios-Cotto, and Jenna Acker.

Biography

•

Stephanie Milan is an Associate Professor inside the Clinical Division of the Section of Psychology at University of Connecticut. She received her Ph.D. from Vanderbilt University. Her inquiry focuses on developmental psychopathology in the context of economic disadvantage, and specifically the cultural and relational context of disparities in the physical and mental health of adolescent girls.

Sanne Wortel is a graduate student in Clinical Psychology at the Academy of Connecticut-Department of Psychology. She received her B.A. from Ithaca University. Her inquiry and clinical interests focus on high risk adolescent girls, and particularly the links between sexual development and mental wellness in this population.

Footnotes

Author Contributions: SM conceived of the written report, participated in its pattern and coordination, oversaw assay, and drafted the manuscript; SW participated in the conceptualization of the paper, statistical analysis, and drafting of the manuscript. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

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Source: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4414667/